"Ban Balkan associations in the Constitution"This was the headline of the special edition of Vecernji List in which thestate of the nation address by the Croatian president Franjo Tudman waspublished. The headline removed all doubt about the most important partof the address. Finally, one of the most important elements in the Croatiannationalist ideology - the construct of para-notions "Europe-Balkan"which are in total opposition - will be given a place in the basic documentof the Croatian state, its Constitution!
Modern, democratic constitutions are supposed to beideologically neutral. Obviously, this is not the case with the Croatianconstitution. Therefore, we can conclude that Croatia is an ideologicalstate. But the problem is not in the current authorities, the Tudman's regimewhich is inserting ideological elements into the foundation of the state.It is obvious that no one outside that regime, neither the opposition, norsocial scientists, nor socially and politically responsible intellectuals,is bothered by this intervention. This tendency is far more dangerous forthe Croatia than the authoritarian rule of the current regime. It testifiesabout the consensual support for such open ideologization. The whole societyhas been put in service of the Croatian nationalist ideology.
One step ahead, two stepsback
The nature of Tudman's story is such that it will outliveits spokesperson; because, Tudman hasn't made the Croatian state; just theopposite, the state took an elderly pensioner and turned him into an importantCroatian politician and a faithful figure of our recent history.
Therefore, it is not surprising that the nationalistideology is dominant in the President's address about the state of nationin 1996. He is warning, almost in panic, about the possibility of the futureintegration of the states coming out of dissolution of the former Yugoslavia.Supposedly, individuals in the country and abroad, various non governmentalorganizations in Croatia and abroad, and even some states whose leadingpoliticians want to push young Croatian state into some new Balkan associationare tirelessly working on this.
"Any intelligent and well informed citizen ofour state can easily conclude what such an association, regardless of whetherit is Yugoslav, Balkan or Southeast European, would mean for Croatia. Basedon its geopolitical position, its fourteen centuries long history, civilizationand culture, Croatia belongs to the central European and Mediterranean circlein Europe. Our political links with the Balkans between 1918 and 1990 werejust a short episode in the Croatian history and we are determined not torepeat that episode ever again! Cooperation, actually integration with oursouthern neighbors, which is suggested as a precondition for the relationswith the European Union, would cause economic decline, and after a whilewould result in political links which would be the negation of everythingthat Croatia achieved with its newly won independence."
This open fanning of paranoia from the top of the stateand society has several functions.
Firstly, it is necessary because Croatian nationalistsare fighting for their political and historical identity. Obviously, anynew integration with southeastern neighbors would not result in economicdecline, as the President warns, but exactly the opposite: with the integrationin the European Union and therefore in economic prosperity, as we are explicitlytold in the very same sentence. But then we would have to question the meaningof the Croatian national revolution, purpose of the lives which were lostfor the homeland, the real role of the Croatian independence fighters inour recent history. It could turn out that many a Croatian great man appearsin all his political and human poverty, as a negligible historical personalitywhose crimes were a curse for himself and his "beloved" people.
The other function of this paranoid discourse is theproduction of enemies, a group of foreign criminals and domestic traitorsin paid service of foreign powers who will be blamed for all future problems.They will be responsible for anything bad which befalls Croatia, while ourhappiness will depend on the success with which such enemies are successfullyor unsuccessfully exterminated. Hence, the Croatian authorities will avoidresponsibility for any future problems.
Finally, this outburst of Tudman's and Croatian balkanophobiahas a character of a too nervous, panic reaction: it is an expression ofthe deepest frustration caused by the fact that the Croatian vision of itsEuropean identity has never been recognized in the only place where suchrecognition would make sense - in Europe itself! Namely, for Europe, Croatiain its violent secession from the defunct Yugoslavia confirmed itself asa true Balkan country.
Accommodation Problem
"The Balkans? That's somewhere else!". Thiswas the headline of a long article about the Zagreb hotel Esplanade publishedin the first 1997 issue of Zurich magazine Weltwoche.
"Zagreb has been infected by a virus. Since the1919 signing of the Versailles peace accord this virus has been poisoningCroatian souls. The infected are overcome by a sort of a panic. They areafraid that in some way they will be connected with the Balkans. In theeyes of Croats, the Balkans is somewhere else," writes the author ofthe article Marco Finn Canonica. He tried to understand contemporary Croatiaby describing the microcosm of the Esplanade hotel. He told a story aboutthe fundamental Croatian trauma - the relationship with the Balkans. Hisstory drifts between emphatic, almost well meaning sympathy and cold ironyand is a concise presentation of the Croatian debacle of the century. Inthe eyes of this Swiss journalists, the haste of Croats to once for allfinally leave the Balkans keeps pushing them deeper and deeper into thatregion. Today in the independent Croatia, as well as in the long gone 1919when they had just joined the Yugoslav commonwealth. Then, a group of wealthycitizens of Zagreb formed a company whose mission was the building of ahotel which was supposed to "inject the European spirit and charm"into the inhabitants of the city. But already in the choice of the architectthey made a fatal mistake. They rejected Adolf Loos, who later became oneof the most famous European architects and chose a Zagreb architect, certainDionis Stunko.
"The triumph of local architecture and entrepreneurialspirit" wrote the then Zagreb newspapers. Today, the Weltwoche journalistconcludes: "The intentions of the builders turned on their head: thehotel became and still is a typical Balkan hotel."
The Swiss journalist is fascinated by the architecturaldisaster and kitsch which dominates in the hotel and doesn't flinch frommockery when he describes them: "The massive hotel building (...) isrepulsive, as if the architect tried to convey the impression of power forgettingabout style. Crowded buffet is as bland as the unfinished symbolic muralon the wall: it depicts male and female bodies which were picked up by atornado and thrown into space; the women are growing wings and disappearingthrough the roof. If you wanted to explain the meaning of 'eclecticism'to someone, it would be enough to take that person to the cafe Rubin. Thehotel director explains: 'Figures symbolize the elements, fire, earth, air,and water'."
In his conversations with Croatians the Swiss journalistlucidly notices their inability to give a positive definition of Croatianidentity. On the contrary; when asked to define Croatia they can only saywhat it isn't: "We are not barbarians!", "We do not havethe tradition of blood revenge like Serbs", "Croatia has neverbeen an antireligious state".
The journalist shows even more lucidity when he noticesthat this lack of argument, as far as the Croatian identity is concerned,was filled by no one else but Alain Finkielkraut. The Croatians have firmlytaken this French philosopher to their hearts, as the Serbs have adoptedPeter Handke[Austrian writer who has spoken in defense of Serbia and Serbs].When the journalist mentioned Finakielkraut's name to a young Croat, formerstudent of philosophy, "he almost saw in me his soul brother".
Overcoming Theocracy
The Swiss journalist informed himself about the mediaas well. He especially noticed a photo of a naked twenty-three years oldfemale student from Zagreb. The article below the photograph "... celebratedseductiveness of Croatian women; Croatian women are the most 'desirable'and beautiful in the world".
However, the smart Swiss journalist didn't miss theother side of this sexist attitude towards women. He recalls in his articlethe relationship of the Balkan society towards women intellectuals.
He also didn't forget the misery of the anti Tudmanopposition: "To be in opposition to the regime, I was told, means thata person doesn't totally agree with Tudman's policy. As long as Croatiahas enemies in the world, and both women are among them (Slavenka Drakulicand Dubravka Ugresic, author's remark), the country must be united".
The long Weltwoche's article about Croatia is a sadstory about the failure of Croatia to impress a foreigner as a civilizedEuropean country. The fair of kitsch, clumsiness, immorality, primitivesexist shamelessness, fake dissidents, intellectual insignificance and servilityand a lot more, was easily recognised by the Swiss journalist.
He ended the article with an anecdote about the directorof the hotel Esplanade who once went to the cinema Europe (former cinemaBalkans, nota bene) but she waited for the tickets in vain. The show wassold out. The name of the film? Mission: Impossible
Why should we believe that the story about CroatianConstitution will end differently than the story about the hotel Esplanade?The Constitutional ban on association with the Balkans is what confirmsthe status of Croatia in the eyes of Europe as a Balkan country.
And our journey to Europe with such a Constitutioncan only be: MISSION:IMPOSSIBLE
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